Part 1 – through the end of the 1400 turn

Introduction. I compiled this after action report using designer Greg Laubach’s Cyberboard gamebox, as the gamebox features images of the final components rather than the playtest components.

The “1300 Start” scenario begins with the two forces fully deployed, just before the Union launched its attack.  It therefore omits the morning cavalry battle and the long march forward for both sides’ infantry.  In an attempt to render the at-start situation more transparent, however, the section following this introduction provides some background.

As is true of my previous AARs, I avoid GBACW terminology unless needed to clarify a given game event.  However, I’ve inserted “Game Interludes” where explanations of game mechanics might shed some light on the course of play.  Hoping to bring to life at least some of the men who fought at Piedmont, I’ve also embellished the narrative with anecdotes, conversations, and interior monologues, most of which are invented (but plausible).

As an aid to following the action, I offer the Order of Battle for both sides.

US Army of the Shenandoah (Major General David Hunter)

First Infantry Division (Brigadier General Jeremiah C. Sullivan)

• First Brigade (Colonel Joseph Thoburn):  2 MD Eastern Shore, 34 MA, 54 PA,
• 1 WV, 12 WV
• Second Brigade (Colonel Augustus Moor):  18 CT, 5 NY Heavy Artillery, 28 OH, 116 OH

Cavalry Division (Major General Julius Stahel)

• First Brigade (Colonel Andrew McReynolds): 1 MD Potomac Home Brigade, 1 NY Lincoln, 1 NY Veteran, 21 NY, 14 PA
• Second Brigade (Colonel John Wyncoop): 20 PA, 22 PA G, 1 WV (horse artillery)

Artillery Brigade (Captain Henry DuPont): B 1 MD, B 5 US, 30 NY, D 1 WV

CS Army of the Valley District (Brigadier General William Jones)

First Brigade (Colonel Beuhring Jones):  36 VA, 45 VA Bn, 60 VA

Second Brigade (Colonel William Browne): Thomas Legion, 45 VA, Brewer’s Battalion

Reserves (Colonel Kenton Harper): Niter & Mining Battalion, Rockbridge

Artillery: Lewisburg, Augusta

Imboden’s Cavalry Brigade (Brigadier General John Imboden): Augusta, Davis’ MD bn,

Rockingham, 18 VA, 23VA

Vaughn’s Brigade (Brigadier General John Vaughn): 16 GA Bn, 1 TN, 39 TN, 43 TN, 59 TN, 12 TN Bn, 16 TN Bn

Staunton (horse artillery)

Notes to the reader:

• This scenario includes optional “Breakdown Battalions” for regiments of 8 SP or more; I chose to use them rather than Extended Lines.
• I also chose to use the optional Geographic Crests and Small Arms ammunition rules.
• Hexes worth victory points are indicated on the map by black stars on gold or green backgrounds.
• In the illustrations, red arrows indicate forward movement; yellow arrows indicate retrograde movement or retreats.  Green boxes indicate notable situations described in the text.
• Abbreviations used in the text:
  • AM = Activation Marker
  • SP = Strength Point
  • VP = Victory Point

Part 1 of this AAR takes the game to the end of the 1400 turn.  Part 2 will cover the last three turns and add a concluding analysis.

The Road to Staunton

The early morning rain and fog had given way to glorious sunshine.  There was a freshness in the air that wouldn’t last if the mercury rose too high, but for now invigorated both man and beast.  Major General David Hunter, commanding the Army of the Shenandoah, briskly trotted his mount along the Staunton-Port Republic Road, its dirt surface still moist enough to minimize the dust kicked up by marching columns.  To his left, partially cultivated fields were broken only by occasional woodlots.  To the right, when the pitch of the land allowed, Hunter could see the blue ribbon of Middle River.

The commander’s dark hair and mustache belied his 61 years, as did his obvious good health.  Alongside him rode Colonel David Hunter Strother, his chief of staff, cousin, and confidant.  The rest of the headquarters staff trailed behind.  Up ahead, bugles blared as Brigadier General Jeremiah Sullivan’s infantry regiments deployed from column of fours into company-wide formations as they moved off the road and into the green fields to right and left.

Hunter and Strother came abreast of a crowd of horses and vehicles on the right, where two batteries of Henry Dupont’s artillery brigade had pulled off the road.  Dupont, not yet 26 years old, was examining a map.  He was so close that Hunter could not resist hailing him.  “Well, captain, preparing another warm greeting for our southern friends?”  Dupont looked up and saluted.  A shadow seemed to darken his countenance at his commander’s possible reference to the Battle of New Market, fought and lost three weeks previously.  “If God so wills it, Sir, today’s greeting will be a bit warmer.”  Hunter returned the salute and rode on, grateful to have men like the young Dupont with the army.   Passing through Colonel Joseph Thoburn’s infantry, Hunter and his entourage reached a copse near the Shaver farmstead, just behind the dismounted cavalry manning the army’s forward most positions.

Although the midday sun wasn’t overpowering, the staff officers enjoyed the shade.  Climbing down off the saddle, Hunter peered through binoculars at the gently rising ground framing the Crawford Run valley.  The high ground formed a sort of ampitheater.  It was already late in the day, and a rapid advance up the valley and past the village of Piedmont seemed the quickest way to dislodge the Rebs.  It was clear the enemy did not intend to defend the valley, but turn it into a shooting gallery instead.  While running the gauntlet did not promise to be easy, Hunter was grateful not to be facing John C. Breckinridge and his troops, who had left the Valley to join Lee’s army after New Market.

Despite the prospect of a hard fight, Hunter welcomed the opportunity.  Following his wounding at First Manassas, where he commanded a division, his abolitionist stance led to trouble with Lincoln during the war’s first year.  A failure to take Charleston in 1863 did not help, but that autumn he made a good  impression on Ulysses Grant at Chattanooga.  After the defeat at New Market, Grant named him to replace Franz Sigel as commander of the Army of the Shenandoah.  Now he had a chance to justify Grant’s confidence.

Grant had instructed Hunter to capture Staunton and interdict the Virginia Central Railroad, thus depriving the Confederates of a major supply depot and the means to transport foodstuffs to the Army of Northern Virginia.  Hunter was to march light, live off the land, and destroy what his army could not use.  That suited his politics, set ablaze by the atrocities he’d witnessed while on duty at Fort Leavenworth before the war.

When his vanguard encountered determined resistance at Mount Crawford after passing through Harrisonburg on the Valley Pike, Hunter swerved eastward to Port Republic.  From there he could aim at either Staunton or Waynesboro, another stop on the railroad.  The Rebs, already outnumbered, would be forced to cover both objectives.

When Hunter went east, so did the Confederates, with Brigadier General John Imboden’s cavalry brigade arriving south of Port Republic on the evening of June 4^th.  The next day, there being no sense in further maneuvering, Union cavalry under Major General Julius Stahel advanced before dawn in steady rain.  Around 6 AM, the rain having largely ceased, Stahel encountered Imboden’s videttes.  Over the course of the next several hours, mounted charge and countercharge succeeded each other with bewildering frequency.  The blue-clad troopers got the better of their southern opponents, even capturing the general’s brother, Captain Frank Imboden of the 18^th Virginia Cavalry, at the Bonnie Doon plantation.  The Confederate cavalry was swept back several miles, but it had done its job.  By late morning the southern infantry had arrived and was busy piling logs and rocks into makeshift breastworks.

From a commanding knoll west of Crawford Run, William Jones watched as Hunter arrayed his forces.  Any civilian who watched Jones pass by while riding north would probably have taken the small, thin, shabbily dressed general for a local farmer.  There was a story behind Jones’ outward appearance, however.  Beholding the gently rolling hills and rich farmland in this part of the Shenandoah Valley, the word, “beautiful”, flashed through his mind.  Immediately he felt a familiar anguish, and tears welled up in his eyes.  That accursed word!  He could not hear or think it without recalling his beloved Eliza.  Married only days, they were caught in a storm while crossing the Gulf of Mexico en route to Jones’ duty station in Texas in 1851.  They made it into a lifeboat, but it was as if Satan himself had conjured the sea that day.  A wave crashed over the little craft, sweeping Eliza away.

Bitterness was an almost constant companion.  He was unable to restrain it, exhibiting a gruffness and profanity that had earned him the nickname, “Grumble Jones”.  It had also caused problems.  Jones’ thoughts raced as he recalled how, almost a year ago, he’d tried to warn that peacock, J.E.B. Stuart, of the Union threat to the Confederate rear at Brandy Station.  The buoyant Stuart had certainly never cared much for the dour Jones, and snapped at the latter’s courier, “Tell General Jones to attend to the Federals in his front, and I’ll watch the flanks.”  As if it were happening all over again, Jones mouthed his reply to the courier returning with Stuart’s message.  “So, he thinks they ain’t coming, does he?  Well, let him alone, he’ll damned soon see for himself.”  Stuart had later court-martialled Jones for “disrespect” displayed in a letter the latter wrote after Gettysburg.  Now, despite his remorse over Stuart’s recent death in battle, Jones’ fury boiled over as he brooded upon the memory.  Stuart had indeed “damned soon” seen for himself.

Imboden had reported late that morning as his brigade fell back to the infantry positions.  “Sir, last evening my scouts approached Port Republic.  They estimate the enemy force at 9000 infantry and 2500 cavalry.  They outnumber us, sir.  I suggest we retreat to Mowry’s Hill.”  Jones’ eyes had narrowed as he fought irritation.  Staunton must be defended, both as a supply base and as the terminus of the Virginia Central Railroad.  “General, we discussed this yesterday.  Hunter has a choice of roads and need not attack us at Mowry’s to reach Staunton.  Further, I intend to honor General Lee’s request that we engage the enemy as soon as possible.  Have you forgotten that the Federals have two additional columns headed for our rear?  I will fight the Yankees here.  The rivers in Hunter’s rear are running high, and if we are victorious, we may cause him serious damage.  We will then turn southwest to deal with the columns under generals Crook and Averell.”  Imboden listened, astonished at such bravado.  His commander’s remarks concluded, there was nothing left to do but ride off to the right and direct his men to dig in.

1300

Now, two hours later, Hunter’s troops were massed on the low ground where Polecat Draft and Crawford Run flow into Middle River.  Jones knew how scouts typically overestimated enemy strength, but, from atop the knoll, it was plain the odds were not favorable.  He’d posted his infantry on high ground astride the road and to the west in a horseshoe bend in the river.  His cavalry, mostly dismounted, extended the line eastward from Piedmont.  The knoll he stood on, however, was undefended, and a gap of nearly half a mile yawned between Colonel Browne’s infantry and John Vaughn’s cavalry.  He shuddered.  Was his smoldering anger blinding him?  He called for his adjutant and delivered a last minute flurry of orders.  “Major, we have some matters to which we must attend.  Send word to Major Brewer to abandon his advanced position immediately and fall back to the road to cover the gap north of this point.  Tell Colonel Harper to bring up his men, deploying along the road from this point south to the village.  General Vaughn is to extend his line to the west, all the way to the village.  We must close that gap.  Our artillery is to open fire on targets of opportunity, distracting the enemy.  One more thing, Major.  It appears a small force of Union Cavalry is crossing the river off to our left front.  Have Colonel Jones cover the ford near the farmhouse north of Walker Lane.”

In less than a minute, couriers were galloping toward their destinations, and it wasn’t long before the Lewisburg and Augusta batteries were issuing thunderous greetings to the blue-clad invaders.  Their fire was effective enough to allow Brewer’s five hundred men to scramble back from their forward position. Brewer was only too glad to receive the order.  He’d easily stopped the vanguard of Stahel’s cavalry earlier in the day, but a whole brigade of Yankee infantry now faced him.  Likewise, Harper and Beuhring Jones (no relation to “Grumble”) executed their instructions.  Indeed, Colonel Jones, after posting the 45^th Virginia Battalion to watch the ford, sent the rest of his brigade eastward, as Hunter’s deployment provided no reason to think the Yankee infantry would attempt to outflank the Confederate left.

Two of Dupont’s batteries, still where Hunter had seen them, replied to the Confederate guns.  His other two batteries, having had to make way for the infantry, were still hurrying forward along the Staunton Road.  While DuPont’s fire was ineffective for the moment, its prospects could only improve as his gun layers got the range and the number of guns in action doubled.

A cheer went up from the Rebel ranks, however, when the southern gunners threw a dismounted battalion of the 21^st New York Cavalry into confusion.  The New Yorkers soon mounted up and rode off to a more sheltered site.  The cheering was understandable, even if a little premature.  Julius Stahel soon had Colonel Andrew McReynolds’ large brigade in motion.  About half the men mounted and rode to the left, while the dismounted elements moved forward, hugging the western edge of a large woodlot separating the valleys of Crawford Run and Polecat Draft.  That woodlot could complicate Union command and control but offered welcome shelter.  Meanwhile, Colonel John Wyncoop’s 300 troopers, the force Jones had observed from his command post, did indeed approach from the west.  Spying the 45^th Virginia Battalion on the far bank, Wyncoop bypassed them, riding on eastward toward the river bend and a link up with the rest of Stahel’s division.  He had no wish to tangle with southern infantry of unknown strength, despite his men being armed with Spencer carbines.  The two units maintained good order as they waded across the rain-swollen river.

Informed of the Union cavalry’s move, Imboden strengthened his front line and sent his mounted elements to the far right.  There the gently rolling ground was relatively open, perfect country for mounted action.

The way was now clear for Jeremiah Sullivan’s infantry to start forward.  Hunter had remarked to Strother that there was no need to toil uphill and flush the Reb infantry out of their breastworks.  Instead, the infantry would strike for the hinge in Jones’ line, the village of Piedmont.  Hunter looked to Sullivan as his hammer, despite the latter’s undistinguished record and the relative obscurity of the two colonels leading his brigades.  Augustus Moor was another of the German political refugees so well-represented in the higher ranks of the Union army.  Back in November he had a good day at the Battle of Droop Mountain, but Sigel’s piecemeal troop commitments at New Market had compromised his efforts in the later battle.  Born in Ireland, Joseph Thoburn started the war as a regimental surgeon, but was soon elected colonel of his outfit and saw action in West Virginia prior to assuming brigade command.  While David Hunter hoped to restore his early-war prominence, Moor and Thoburn were grateful for the chance to prove themselves after their whipping at New Market.

With Dupont’s artillery working forward behind them and Stahel’s cavalry approaching Imboden’s line, Thoburn’s men headed south up Crawford Run, keeping pace with McReynolds’ dismounted troopers.  Moor tied his left to Thoburn’s right, facing enemy infantry positions along the road.  Moor assumed Wyncoop’s troopers would be supporting his own right, and decided to drive 45^th Virginia Battalion away from Garber’s farm.  He advanced his right regiments and now ran smack into Beuhring Jones’ troops lurking in the woods north of Walker’s Lane.  Sharp exchanges of fire left elements of both 116^th Ohio and 60^th Virginia bloodied and in disarray.  It was difficult to say which side was more surprised.  There was no sign of Wyncoop.

1400

Moor’s right wing was thus engaged, and now his left wing joined in between the river and Walker’s Lane.  The 5^th New York Heavy Artillery, originally garrison troops but now serving as infantry, and 18^th Connecticut both came to 116^th Ohio’s support, dealing 60^th Virginia lethal blows, but suffering almost as badly in return.  The left half of the Virginians faded back into the woods, allowing the wobbly Buckeye battalion to rally without interference.  The other half of the 116^th Ohio went after 45^th Virginia Battalion, as Moor originally intended, driving them away from the ford.  18^th Connecticut, furthest left in the brigade’s front line, rushed the remainder of 60^th Virginia, relying on the bayonet, but the enemy hung on.  Meanwhile, Thoburn’s brigade had headed south until encountering John Vaughn’s dismounted men, many behind breastworks.  Firing erupted at ranges from 100 to 300 yards.

As Hunter had anticipated, attempting to screen the rebel line to the west while making the major push parallel to Crawford Run was not proving to be easy.  Grumble Jones’ artillery, having the advantage of high ground, pummeled 28^th Ohio with both canister and shell, throwing the whole regiment into a brief panic.  But as the guns could not help Beuhring Jones, Grumble himself rushed over to assist.  The two officers managed to restore order in the intact half of 60^th Virginia, while 45^th Virginia Battalion pulled itself together.  On the other end of the infantry line, Harper’s militiamen delivered enfilading fire against Thoburn’s troops but had no effect at such long range.

The Union long arm was exactly what was needed to blunt Rebel fire from the high ground.  The DuPont’s artillery brigade continued leap-frogging forward, half the batteries firing while the other half sought new, more advantageous positions.  The first volleys from Battery D, 1st Maryland sent the Augusta battery’s gunners scurrying for the nearest cover.  The Lewisburg battery attempted to come to their aid, but their aim was off.  Nevertheless, Dupont’s men now proceeded more carefully, giving Augusta’s crews a chance to return to their guns.  Together with small-arms fire from Brewer’s Battalion, Jones’ artillery continued to rake the 28^th Ohio, driving it further down the slope toward the Run.

A new danger now appeared where Hunter was not expecting it.  Beuhring Jones, having rallied his men, counterattacked Augustus Moor’s embattled line.  Browne’s brigade assisted.  Fire from the Thomas Legion toppled Moor from his horse and drove 28^th Ohio back to the cover of the woods.  Worse, 36^th Virginia found and hit 116^th Ohio’s flank, routing the hapless Buckeyes.  In no more than an hour, Moor’s command, originally 2300 strong, was reduced to 1650 still in line.  Appalled, Jeremiah Sullivan rushed to aid the leaderless brigade.  Half of it indeed rallied, and Sullivan appointed Colonel William Ely of the 18^th Connecticut as new brigade commander.  Still, the threat to the Union right remained.

Hunter could accept the setback, provided Thoburn’s men cracked Vaughn’s line.  Vaughn’s brigade did not enjoy a stellar reputation, being described as “almost a band of marauders” due to their lack of discipline.  But his men had dug in, and their fire disrupted the left wing of Thoburn’s first line, 1^st West Virginia and 34^th Massachusetts, before these units could come to grips with them.  On the other hand, 54^th Pennsylvania on the right not only closed with the enemy, but in the ensuing fire fight erased the diminutive 16^th Tennessee Battalion from Vaughn’s order of battle.  16^th Georgia Battalion fared almost as badly, saved only because the regiments on either side remained untouched.  Thoburn brought up elements of his second line to shield the Pennsylvanians’ flank, but hesitated to launch an all-out assault on Vaughn’s positions just yet, not least because Imboden sent part of the 23^rd Virginia cavalry to backstop them.

Thoburn wasn’t the only card Hunter had up his sleeve, however.  McReynolds’ cavalry made good progress on the left and soon came within assault distance of Imboden’s line.  Behind him, Wyncoop’s small but lethally armed troopers were riding hard to catch up.  Rather than simply awaiting his fate, Imboden refused his right and had the Staunton horse artillery take McReynolds’ men under fire.  The battery scattered part of the 1^st New York Lincoln regiment, but Imboden could not suppress a rush of anxiety at the width and depth of Stahel’s deployed brigades.  An odd occurrence briefly relieved the tension.  Stahel’s section of horse artillery rode up, intending to unlimber within canister distance of Imboden’s line, but suddenly turned tail and ducked behind the crest of a rise, to the accompaniment of southern jeers.

Meanwhile, Dupont continued his duel with Jones’ artillery, neither side yet landing a truly punishing blow.  Both sides suffered ammunition shortages as the firing intensified.  With all four batteries now on the field, Dupont had reason to hope he could soon force the Confederate guns to withdraw.  Instead, the enemy found the range first and put two of his batteries temporarily out of action.

If the battle was not proving as easy as Hunter had hoped, neither did Grumble Jones see an opportunity thus far for the kind of stinging riposte he had envisioned.

To be continued…

---

Next Week: Part 2 of 2!